On the exact date Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government published an equally flamboyant security policy document. This fairly short paper drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically modest claim that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of catastrophe and disaster."
Even though the document mostly formalizes the ongoing actions and statements of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a grave warning for the world, and for Europe in particular.
The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US clearly sets the goal of "fostering European strength." Its rhetoric could have been lifted straight from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to reclaim its civilizational self-confidence." Even more worryingly, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the real and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."
The whole section on Europe is imbued with generations of European right-wing dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and causing strife, suppression of free speech and suppression of political opposition, plummeting birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-belief." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economic power and militaries strong enough to be dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration asserts that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, free speech, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."
These points carry powerful echoes of two concepts seen as foundational for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose thesis on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and reliant electorate.
It is the nationalist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "The United States urges its ideological partners in Europe to advance this revival of spirit, and the growing influence of nationalist European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."
Put simply, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "building up the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains vague on implementation, it is obvious that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an adversary either.
In a broader sense, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.
None of this is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally realize that the stance is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond appropriately.
A seasoned gambling analyst with over a decade of experience in reviewing online casinos and developing strategic gaming insights.